Collection

The Lautem people of far eastern Timor-Leste maintain diverse forms of cultural expression. A MHI research project, Documenting Endangered Forms of Cultural Expression of the Fataluku people, recorded 30 different cultural heritage elements – many practiced in different forms – in the Lautem district between 2012 and 2013. The project sought to help re-invigorate critically endangered forms of cultural expression by recording those cultural forms; building local capacity to preserve cultural heritage; and providing our people with opportunities to view and learn more about our cultural heritage.

This is a collection of 30 documented elements of endangered forms of cultural expression of the people of far eastern Timor Leste, identified through a research project undertaken by Many Hands International.

Quote:

Every nation has a culture that underpins its way of life. According to the traditions of Lautem, our culture enables us to have strong unity and friendship.
If we lose our culture, we lose our identity.
All the information we have collected in this project informs us about the original culture of our ancestors.

Sr Justino Valentim, Senior Researcher, 1954-2014 

A number of publications were produced as a result of this project including:

Dunphy, K., Da Silva, I., Pereira, N., Schauble, H. & Toumbourou, T. (2017). Safeguarding the critically endangered cultural heritage of the Fataluku people: an e-inventory of intangible cultural elements,  and  A salvaguarda do património cultural criticamente ameaçado do povo Fataluku: um e-inventário de elementos culturais imateriais, Memoriamedia Art project, 1(3).
This publication in English and Portuguese documents the development of our resource, e-inventory of intangible cultural elements of the Fataluku people of far eastern Timor-Leste, and its promotion and take-up through social media.

Prezervasaun Espresaun Kultura Fataluku Ne’ebé Atu Sai Lakon (Preservation of Fataluku endangered cultural heritage) by Dunphy, K., da Silva, I., Valentim, J., dos Santos, M.M., Caetano, F., Lopes, T., Pereira, N., Pichler, L., Schauble, H., & Toumbourou, T.D.  (2016). In S. Smith, N. C. Mendes, A. B. da Silva, A. C. Ximenes, C. Fernandes & M. Leach (Eds.), Timor-Leste: the local, the regional, and the global 2015 conference (9-10 July 2015) (Volume I), pp. 24-29, Conference proceedings, Timor Leste Studies Association, Hawthorn: Swinburne Press.

Element: Music

Our people have a rich tradition of music and dance. This collection includes various musical instruments in the Lautem district of Timor-Leste. Each instrument has unique characteristics, and their individual pages provide photos and videos showing how they are made and played.

Our instruments include oi-oil, keko, fara-fara, moto me’n-me’n, pepur, kakal, and puhu-puhu. Here, our music is composed around the Fataluku language, with irregular rhythms often following the patterns of vaihoho singing. Tuning varies between players, but most instruments are tuned in E-flat, matching the vocal range of singing.

Many instruments are used to scare away animals or birds from crops, but they are also played for entertainment or ceremonial purposes. Knowledge of how to make and play these instruments is endangered due to the small number of people who still practice these skills.

Photo: Henrique Lopes playing the oil-oil in aldeia Malahara, sub-district Lospalos.

Oi-oil, also known as a ruru veve in Fataluku (or kafu’i in Tetum), is a bamboo flute played singly or double. It is made of bamboo or coconut wood and varies in length fro Bamboo flute (oi-oil)m around 20cm to 50cm. Instruments in aldeia Malahara had four finger holes and were around 20cm in length and were played doubly. These are known as ruru veve in aldeia Malahara, while known elsewhere as the oi-oil.

Oi-oil played by musician Henrique Lopes in aldeia Malahara has a tuning slide up near where it is blown, made out of dried leaf that is moved to allow the two flutes to play in tune with each other. The bottom hole isn’t used, and is far away from where the fingers can reach. One flute (left hand side) acts as a drone, and the right hand side makes the melody and embellishments, or ornament figures/melody. Phrasing is determined by the breath. The oi-oil showed a range of a major third in the melody, and a major second in the drone passages. According to Yampolsky (2012), the music played on doubly-played oi-oil are vaihoho melodies, as the two flutes can imitate the two voices of a vaihoho duo. These oi-oil are played as a lullaby and are also played at some celebrations.

Photo: Raul Victor Torres playing the oi-oil in aldeia Raça, sub-district Lospalos.

Photo: Domião Maria playing the oi-oil in aldeia Sepelata, sub-district Lospalos.

The oi-oil in aldeia Sepelata, in sub-district Lospalos are longer – around 40cm – and have six finger holes. These instruments are played singly, held vertically to play by blowing across the mouthpiece. A reed made of bamboo is tied over the mouthpiece or end of the register hole which allows the instrument to play different octaves.

Oi-oil ne’ebé halo iha Aldeai Sepelata, iha Postu Administrativu Lospalos naruk liu- maizumenus 40 cm – no iha kuak neen ba liman fuan. Instrumentu sira ne’e toka ida de’it (la’ós duplu), kaer ho maneira vertikál no huu iha ibun fatin nia leten. Iha au mihis ida ne’ebé kesi ba kuak ikus no ida ne’e maka halo instrumentu nia lian sai aas liu ka tuun liu.

Videos

Video: Henrique Lopes playing the oi-oil: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bu07Bj4hUDw&t=3s

Video: Raul Victor Torres Novas performing the oi-oil. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IgRDWUsH_30

Video: Domião Maria playing the oi-oil in aldeia Sepelata, sub-district Lospalos. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XPIQZa1fraM

Photo: palm bell of the keko

Keko (kokotere in Tetum) is a trumpet-like instrument made of bamboo and akadiru (sugar palm) leaf. The keko is played exclusively as a solo instrument, used on ceremonial occasions as an instrument of announcement or welcome or at parties. It is part of a tradition passed down from ancestors. The bamboo tube is around 1.5 m long and approximately 5 cm in diameter. A cone shaped trumpet made out of akadiru leaf is attached to the top of the bamboo.

The mouthpiece is a rectangle of around 12 to 14 cm cut out of the bamboo tube, into which a small black tongue or reed carved out of bamboo or buffalo horn is also used is inserted and held in place by ratton twine.

Photo: bamboo mouthpiece of the keko.

Photo: Raimundo Marques Cabral plays the keko in aldeia Codo-altu, sub-district Lautem.

The player of the keko holds the instrument horizontally with both hands, one each side of the mouthpiece, and blows into it while pushing the palm reed down and vocalising with vocal chords to vibrate the palm tounge and amplify the sounds down the tube. Keko sounds include imitation of animals such as dog, roosters and insects. Keko was found in two locations: in aldeia Codo-altu, sub-district Lautem and in aldeia Soikili, sub-district Lautem. The instruments were very similar in appearance, but the songs differed, employing different breathing sequences.

Video: Raimundo Marques Cabral playing the keko.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XIXK6Cq9gpk
Video: Amando Dias Quintas playing the keko in aledia Soikili, sub-district Lautem.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9z2gmdCcjJg

Photo: Americo Marques Cabral playing the fara-fara in aldeia Codo, sub-district Lautem.

Fara-fara is a trumpet-like instrument built similarly to the keko, with a distinction being with the mouthpiece and reed. The fara-fara has a bamboo tube body around 1.5m in length and a cone trumpet made out of palm which is attached to the end of the instrument, like with the keko. The mouthpiece is cut diagonally, over which a small leaf-shaped piece of dried palm leaf is inserted to function as the reed, held in place in a slit made in the top of the bamboo tube.

The instrument is played by holding the instrument pointing downwards, and blowing a long extended breath. Strong lungs are needed to blow loudly. The instrument is used to scare away birds from eating rice fields and other crops.

Video: Americo Marques Cabral playing the fara-fara: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zG433Mo0VMk

Photo: Raimundo Marques Cabral playing moto me’n-me’n in aldeia Codo, sub-district Lautem.

Moto me’n-me’n is similar to an oboe, with a palm bell at the end. The thin whistle-sounding mouthpiece vibrates, as if there is some resistance in the sound. The mouthpiece fits into a longer, wider length of bamboo in much the same way as an oboe. The instrument has four finger holes, and a bell made of palm leaf is then wrapped around the end for resonance.

Two respondents were found who play the moto me’n-me’n: Americo Marques Cabral and Raimundo Marques Cabral, both in aldeia Codo, sub-district Lautem. The pitch they use is situated around the B-flat. A kind of pentatonic scale is used, using 5 notes: F-sharp, B-flat, B-natural, D, and F-natural. Moto me’n-me’n is played to scare away animals and birds from eating crops and as entertainment, to communicate one’s feelings. As Americo notes, when playing the moto me’n-me’n, ‘it must be with meaning.’

Video: Americo Marques Cabral playing the moto me’n-me’n in aldeia Codo, sub-district Lautem.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=szFTdJPK1X0

Photo: Maria da Conceiçaõ plays the pepur in aldeia Nanafoe, in sub-district Lospalos.

Pepur (kekeit in Tetum) is a jaw-harp made of 10 cm to 14 cm of very thinly cut bamboo. To play pepur, one end is held against the performer’s mouth and blown using the mouth as a resonator, the other hand pulls at a piece of string to create a note.

Photo: making the pepur from a thin slice of thin bamboo.
Pepur makes a thin, soft sound. Maria da Conceicao, maker and performer of the pepur in aldeia Nanafoe, sub-district Lospalos, tells that pepur songs ‘critique a ruler’s power’. For Miguel da Costa in aldeia Paijahara, sub-district Lospalos, pepur songs describe a historical or mythical event, where a big river rose to destroy local people, and where former rulers or village chief’s that caused in-fighting amongst villagers, ‘causing their community to become weak’. Respondents were taught to play by their male relatives, one reported being taught by his grandfather

Video: Maria da Conceiçaõ playing the pepur.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2rns5f_w1qE

Video: Pepur performed by Miguel da Costa, in aldeia Paijahara, sub-district Lospalos: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2-YLgSRrTtQ

Photo: Mario dos Santos playing puhu-puhu in aldeia Loho Loho Matu, in sub-district Lautem

Photo: Making the Puhu Puhu

Puhu puhu is a conch-shell trumpet, played by blowing into a hole made between the mouth piece and the pointed end of the shell

Puhu-puhu is played by holding the shell horizontally and blowing into the blow hole. Puhu-puhu is played by holding the shell horizontally and blowing into the blow hole. Traditionally, puhu-puhu could only be played by people who have authority granted by local leaders to play the instrument. It is used to call people to gather for village meetings and to announce events. Sailors also use puhu-puhu to call the wind into their sails to aid their travels.

Video: Mário dos Santos playing puhu-puhu.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5lcGSqvXlRw

Photo: Pedro da Silva with the kakal he has made, in aldeia Malahara, sub-district Lospalos.

Photo: Josefina dos Santos playing the kakal in aldeia Soikili, sub-district Lautem

Kakal is a log xylophone made from the wood of the pokura tree found in the jungle of the Lautem district. The instrument – a set of three suspended cylindrical tubes – is played with sticks. The lowest pitch is at the top, and the highest at the bottom.
When played, the rhythm of the kakal is irregular, and often follows the inflections of sung vaihoho (traditional songs or sung poems). The vaihoho songs played on the kakal also imitate roosters, dogs and insects. Farmers in the fields play the kakal loudly, using the sound to scare away birds, monkeys or other animals from eating crops. Love songs are more often played softly, as single notes to call to ones’ girlfriend or boyfriend. The instrument is also performed in accompaniment with vaihoho at weddings, funerals, harvest festivals and other ceremonial occasions.
The kakal is played by men and women, as shown in the following videos.

Video: Pedro da Silva playing the kakal in aldeia Malahara, sub-district Lospalos: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rg9HUBwjDJg&list=PLzU81gYDIv_iNEQsrEtyRBeSHq9eVZFY9&t=1s

Video: Josefina dos Santos playing the kakal: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZgQJIUmuO7w

Element: Craft

Our people maintain a strong connection to our natural landscapes, which provide essential ecological and biodiversity resources used in our traditional crafts, including weaving, pottery, and handicrafts.

This research collection includes several traditional crafts such as basketry, weaving, pottery, children’s toys, and jewellery. Each craft has its own unique features, with photos and videos available to illustrate the creation process.

Several types of nian fa’i (woven palm leaf products– see more info here) were documented, including:

●      Leu hina: Storage baskets
●      Pari pari hina: Woven fans
●      Neru moko hina and leu hina: Baskets for tossing grain
●      Meci leu moko hina: Baskets for catching sea worms (
●      Likas hina: Wide, shallow baskets
●      Rai soko hina: Baskets for carrying food while traveling
●      Ulu halivan hina: Small containers for the umbilical cord.

Photo: Lucia da Cruz weaving leu hina in aldeia Malai Lada, Suku Baduro Lautem Sub-District.

Across Lautem a number of different styles of basketry weaving can be found, largely in communities with access to the kind of palm leaf needed. Palm basketry is most plentiful in coastal areas, where palm trees grow. To prepare palm leaves for weaving, palm leaves are cut straight and left to dry in the sun then are woven to form baskets. Baskets are used for various purposes, to store meat and food for traditional ceremonies, and when travelling or for collecting food from gardens or forests.

Leu hina fa’i are palm baskets woven into many different forms. To make these baskets, lontar palm fronds are collected from palm trees, and the leaves are cut into thin, straight strips. In Malai Lada, sub-district Lautem, and Vailana, sub-district Lospalos, palm leaves are left attached to the fronds. Four fronds are used to weave long dilly bags with a handle to be worn slung over ones back. The end of the fronds forms the base of the dilly bags, which are interwoven to form a mutually reinforcing base. The leaves of the fronds then form the sides.

In ioro, sub-district Tutuala weavers made smaller, more delicate baskets with a base made of thin palm leaves that had been cut from the palm fronds.

Video: Lucia da Cruz weaving leu hina fa’i in aldeia Malai Lada, Lautem Sub-Distric https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fsrmmQ_uL9s

Photo: Eva Coreia Pinto weaving raisoko in aledia ioro, Tutuala Sub-Distric

Raisoko is a long thin dilly bag. Raisoko come in two sizes, a smaller size functions to carry meat or animals found while hunting. The bags are mostly used by men, but are made by women. Larger sizes are used to cage chickens. Raisoko are woven from green palm leaves, and are very strong. As the palm leaf dries it becomes stronger still. Raisoko weaving was documented in aldeia Ioro, sub-district Tutuala.

Video: Eva Coreia Pinto weaving raisoko in aledia ioro, Sub- Distric Tutuala. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m3SAgUlWjyk

Photo: Making cotton into thread

Photo: Cleaning cotton

Women spin cotton at any opportunity, while singing at ceremonies (such as lipal fa’i; weddings) or even while walking. The process of making cotton into thread involves a number of stages. Cotton fibers are first separated from the seedpods they grow in. Then, to make the fibers usable, the seeds and fibers are separated, a process known as ginning. Cotton is rolled flat using a stick, making it easier to pick out seeds. A tool that resembles a small bow is used to assist in the fiber removal; the cotton is wrapped around the taught twine and plucked, evening out the cotton fibers to remove any seeds left.

Video: Cotton being cleaned and prepared for ginning: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FGYVaDzrImA&t=26s

The cotton is then hand spun. Cleaned cotton is contained in a small basket (cocok), and drawn out into a length of thread, tied at the end to a spindle. The spindle itself has its own tradition to it. It is weighted at the bottom with a piece of coral taken from the ocean, and carved into a circular shape. The coral (ciki) acts as the whorl, and is attached to a piece of thin bamboo. These low whorl spindles spin slowly and steadily to create thick thread. The spun thread is wound around the shaft just above the whorl. As they spin cotton, women dip their fingers in fire ash (poko) stored in a small basket (ubu poko) which stops the cotton from slipping. Thread is then wound into balls to use for weaving.

Video: Making cotton into thread in Aldeia Malahara, Suku Maupatinein Lospalos Sub-Distric https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DNJ68A2SpQQ

Video: Twisting cotton into thread: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jnFY-0heFJ4&t=1s

Photo: A cotton tree in Lautem

Cotton spinning (anukai)
Cotton (kabas) grows wildly and is also cultivated in gardens across the district of Lautem. Cotton is woven into colourful cloth, called tais, in at least four areas in Lautem; in Leuro, Lospalo, Caulutur, Fuiloro II and Malahara, Muapitine, and also in Cacavei.

Photo: Kneading clay into sand to make pottery.

Photo: Shifting sand for clay.

Earthenware pottery, puhu fa’i, is produced in Lautem sub-district. Pots are made for use storing and cooking food, carrying and boiling wine, or water. Pottery is made using a mix of white sand and clay collected from river beds. To make clay pots, white sand is shifted through a metal sheet pricked with holes removing any rocks or large grit. Clay is kneaded into the sand, in a similar fashion to bread dough, removing air trapped in the clay.

Video: Shifting sand for clay pottery.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fBTawqvqcUE

Photo: Pottery makers in aldeia Assalaino, Suku Fuiloro, Lospalos Sub-Distric

Photo: Sculpting clay into urns.

Clay is tempered with sand, to limit shrinkage during drying and reducing the risk of cracking. The clay mixture is then massaged into shape, to form pots, jugs, and other large vessels. Sticks or steel are used to shape larger vessels, and water is used as a slick to smooth the surface.

Video: Preparing clay for pottery making. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TIx2OKRhszY

Photo: Pottery makers firing clay pots in aldeia Assalaino, Lospalos Sub-District.

To harden the clay into pottery, the objects are dried in the sun until they turn black, then they are fired in an open bonfire. The clay objects are placed in a bonfire, which is built over the clay objects. Coals are raked continually over the objects to maintain high temperatures to bake them into hardened pottery. Once the pottery becomes hot enough it reddens with heat. After several hours the pots are strong enough for use, and removed from the fire.

Video: Sculpting clay into pottery.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_aCt-Zx7-lU
Video: Pottery makers firing clay pots in aldeia Assalaino, Lospalos sub-district.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z-Xl2ZxsOCw

The clay pot makers mentioned that young people don’t like to make clay pots as they are considered dirty, steel pots are preferred for cooking. Clay pot makers were all women found in aledia Assalaino, in Lospalos sub-district.

Photo: Americo de Jesus carving an ililaka sese in aldeia Titilari, Suku Fuiloro, Lospalos Sub-District.

A spinning top, or ililaka sese, maker was found in aldeia Titilari, sub-district Lospalos. Ililaka sese are carved out of wood, but can be made from buffalo horn also. Using a machete, the top is carved into a bell shape – the bottom section is wide ending in a point, while the middle and top sections graduate to finish in a narrower end section. A length of rope is tied wrapped around the top section of the top, beginning at the top and wound around to the middle. The other end of the rope is knotted, working as a handle. Holding the knotted end, the top is thrown and the rope is pulled simultaneously. The top hits the ground and spins. Spinning top is made from buffalo horns, wood and rope. Americo de Jesus is a spinning top maker, and works also as a teacher.

Video: Americo de Jesus demonstrating how to use the ililaka sese. : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B8LDIYL4iik

Photo: Rosinda Martins is a ke’u ke’u fa’i craftsperson in aledia Pitileti, Tutuala.

Turtle shell handicraft, ke’u ke’u fa’i, including bracelets, rings and earrings, were amongst the items being produced by craftspeople in aldeia Pitileti, Tutuala sub-district. Making jewellery from turtle shells is time consuming and requires different tools. Six craftspeople were identified as making handicrafts from turtle shells; five women and one man aged between 40 to 62 in the sub-district of Pitileti, Tutuala who worked as farmers and teachers. Turtles are now protected species, so there are limitations on the way in which turtles can be used for handicraft.

Video: Craftspeople making ke’u ke’u fa’i in aledia Pitileti, Suku Tutuala , Tutuala Sub-Distric https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=URqndfKg_bU

Element:Tools

Our people maintain a strong connection to our rugged forested mountain and coastal landscapes. These landscapes provide important ecological and biodiversity functions that are used by us to hunt and fish to meet livelihood needs.

A number of traditional tools were  used by our people including weapons, spears, blow pipes, bow and arrows and traps. To learn more about each element, selecting the element photo will take you to its individual page, where you will find photographs and videos describing how it is made and used.

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Photo:Adão Da Cruz Cura hiiI fa’i, i in aldeia Loho matu , suku Com , sub-district Lautem.

Cura hiiI fa’i, made of bamboo, trap mice

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Photo: Roso hina, basket-like Fish traps in aldeia Mua Posu, suku Com , sub-district Lautem.

Photo: Roso hina, basket-like Fish traps in aldeia Mua Posu, suku Com , sub-district Lautem.

Roso hina, basket-like Fish traps

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Photo: Orlando marques aldeia Solepara Suku cacaven, sub-district Lospalos

Coro, bamboo spears,

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Fei-fa’i, bow and arrow, Fei-fa’i, bow and arrow,

[Name of People\Location of Photo)
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Tutufa, blow pipe, Tutufa, blow pipe,

Photo: Cesar Dias Quintas aldeia Pai Ira Suku cacaven, sub-district Lospalos

Photo : Orlando marques Nuhalata Suku Lore2 , sub-district Lospalos

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Element: Medicine

Using materials from forests and oceans, our people create ete asa fai, medicine, to treat internal and external ailments.  (more info on this element)

Ete asa fa’i, or traditional medicine is made from animal and forest products, including snake and fish oil, herbs, sea water and coconut water. Medicine is applied externally to wounds or aching muscles, or is drunk to treat viruses or other diseases. According to tradition, any materials used in traditional medicine must first be asked permission to be used by the maker in order to be effective in treatment. Americo Marques Cabral, in aldeia Codo, Maina II, makes ete asa fa’i.

Video: Americo Marques Cabral talking about how to make eta asa fa’i, in aldeia Codo, Maina II: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9qhogcvHYuk

Photo: Americo Marques Cabral talking about how to make eta asa fa'i, in aldeia Codo, Maina II.

Element: Architecture

Lee ia valu, sacred houses, are central to the spirituality and identity of our people.
Lee ia valu are built on pillars of tree logs, with a roof thatched with coconut fiber and sides adorned with intricate carvings and paintings.

Photo: Lee ia valu in aledia Mauloo, Suku Raça Lospalos Sub-Distric

Lee ia val, or sacred houses (uma lulik in Tetum), are central to the spirituality and identity of the Fataluku people. Not just material structures, lee ia valu are also social institutions that are at the centre of Fataluku culture and governance systems, linking the past with the present, and connecting kinship groups through intricate social networks. Many lee ia val were destroyed under Indonesian occupation. Since independence however there has been a resurgence of custom typified most noticeably with the restoration and rebuilding of lee ia val. Building of lee ia valu is a priority for Fataluku families since independence, in order to provide a resting place for souls who passed away without a burial in Indonesian times.
Lee ia val literally means ‘house with legs’, as they are built on pillars of tree logs, with a roof thatched with arenga palm over a lattice of roof spars. The roof structure is decorated with long plaits of sea shells (le lilire, le poke) and comb fans (fia). The sides of lee ia valu are adorned with intricate carvings and paintings.

Video: Lee ia valu in aledia Mauloo, Suku Raça Lospalos Sub-Distric https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kuEsPXARATs

The lee ia val in the aldeia Mauloo, sub-district Lospalos, is adorned with carvings of sea faring images, such as boats and fisherman, as well as naturalistic images of one and two-headed snakes, yellow stars with a red centre, flowers, and circular painted images in yellow and white that indicate stars. All cultural events, like welcome rituals (no lolo) are held when the stars are in the right place in the sky, in accordance with each clan group’s chosen alignments.

Video: Carvings and paintings adorning a Lee ia valu in aledia Mauloho, sub-district Lospalos. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oOnRH1mHEsA

Photo: Painted carvings adorn the sides of lee ia valu in Suku Raç, Aldeia Mauloho, Lospalos sub-district

Photo: Painted carvings adorn the sides of lee ia valu in Suku Raç, Aldeia Mauloho, Lospalos sub-district

At the front of the lee ia valu is a mound of rocks, which may be where ancestors are buried. Traditional Fataluku houses contain important key ritual elements, including the posts (tutu), ridge pole (pui ina), ladder (ke’eru), and hearth (lafuru – aca kaka). The ritual planting of the initial ‘elder sibling post’ (tutu kaka) symbolises the inaugration of a lee ia valu.

To build a lee ia valu, a family must ask permission first from elders, and take part in a ceremony to ask for permission and success in the house building process. Building a lee ia valu is expensive, a single log can cost several thousand dollars now due to the dwindling supply of hardwood timber in Timor’s remaining forest areas. The sequence of elaborate ritual sacrifices that must be conducted to protect the physical and spiritual health of those commissioning the occupants also adds to the costs.

Lee ia valu are inaugurated in elaborate cultural ceremonies called le masule.

Element: Songs & Folklore

Our people transmit much of our history through oral traditions, including sung poetry called vaihoho, as well as through song, performance and ritual. A number of vaihoho (sung poems), and rata lolo (traditional folk tales) from across the Lautem district are included in this collection. To learn more about each element, selecting the element photo will take you to its individual page, where you will find photographs and videos describing how it is made and played.

Much of our oral literature is held and told through the vast body of sung poetry known as vaihoho. Vaihoho engage metaphor to tell historical events. Vaihoho were once predominantly themed around the melancholia of love, but are now more about recent tragedies of conflict, war and loss. Other themes pertain to harvest. (vaihoho info here)

Rata lolo, or traditional creation stories, tell the stories of clan origins, its rules and practices, history, and values, as well as about the natural world, including plants, animals and natural features such as mountains, rivers and well springs. (more info on this element)

Much of Fataluku oral literature is held and told through the vast body of sung poetry known as vaihoho. Vaihoho engage metaphor to tell historical events. Vaihoho were once predominantly themed around the melancholia of love, but are now more about recent tragedies of conflict, war and loss. Others themes pertain to harvest.

Photo: Halu vaihoho sung in Raça, Lospalos sub-district.

Photo: Amelia Sarmento, Lucia Ximenes, Martina Ximenes, and Juliao Coimbra sing halu vaihoho in Vailana, Lospalos sub-district.

Vaihoho are traditional poems either spoken or sung, often in call-and-response format performed acapella by choirs of varying sizes. Vaihoho two-part singing is performed for welcoming guests, weddings, harvests, funerals and heavy work (threshing rice, hauling a tree from the forest, planting the post of a house, harvesting sea worms, walking, passing the time). Symbolism and imagery is engaged in the telling of vaihoho, which range in length from one to many stanzas. Vaihoho poems may be told in the ordinary daily language, but often use a high literature language with rare or archaic words. To be able to sing vaihoho requires understanding its complicated and intricate rules and archaic words. For this reason opportunities to learn vaihoho are diminished today, and few people born after 1980 are able to sing vaihoho.
A range of vaihoho were documented in this study, including a bride price song, lipal vaihoho nu, used in negotiating a wedding contract; rice husking songs (orontafa) used when preparing rice for ceremonies; songs about love, iha-rala vaihoho, and songs about the hardships of the period of resistance to the Indonesian occupation, halu vaihoho, which uses a metaphor of a large tree that falls on the land; and vaihoho iharala, songs about the orphans left after war. Funeral singing, sa’u, is used at the funerals of elders, and has its own rituals involving making offerings of gifts of animals and textiles. As sa’u rituals are sacred, these were not able to be documented by researchers, despite their frequent occurence in the Lautem region.
War song, halu vaihoho, tells about the tragedy of the conflict and massacres involved when Indonesia occupied Timor Leste. Many people were killed, and some were able to escape by hiding in forest areas. The song uses the metaphor of a large tree that fell across Timor Leste, killing a large number of people and taking with it the country’s youth.

Video: Halu vaihoho sung in Leuro, Lospalos sub-district: https://youtube.com/watch?v=qTflc547C7o

Video: Singing halu vaihoho in Vailana, Lospalos sub-district: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mIOwcI85dL8

Video: Explaining the story of the halu vaihoho in Vailana, Lospalos sub-district: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X0Rs3fzKE8Q&t=7s

Photo: Iha-rala Vaihoho (orphan song) performed in Soikili, Lautem sub-district.

Orphan song, vaihoho iharala, tells about the bitterness of life, the sadness that children experience following the loss of their parents or family during the occupation period. Orphan songs are sung with notes that indicate different levels of emotion. Slower rhythms and lower notes indicate sadness and melancholy, to help the listeners and performers express their sad feelings in relation to common events such as war and sickness that takes parents from their children.

Video: Iha-rala vaihoho (orphan song) performed in Soikili, Lautem sub-district: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KD7fFNeIsyA

Common love songs, Icatutun vaihoho, are sung by couples when they work in the fields. Singers described having learnt about this song – which has various different interpretations each with its own note and rhythm – from their parents.

Photo: Lucinda da Costa, and other Icatutun vaihoho singers in Leuro, Lospalos sub-district.

Icatutun vaihoho are sung about a person one is in love with, or about being gossiped behind ones back. A woman vaihoho singer said that love songs can be sung to ask a lover to wait while they can prepare to be married and can ‘journey though life together’. The singer said also that before there were telephones, they had to arrange to meet using song. Lovers created the song words so that others wouldn’t understand. The songs helped them to arrange to meet, or to express their feelings for one another without others knowing.

Video: Icatutun vaihoho performed in Leuro, Lospalos sub-district .https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H2R6hQhsS88

Traditional creation stories, rata lolo, are often told in the home, from parent to child. Rata lolo tell about the origins of their clan, its rules and practices, history, and values, as well as about the natural world, including plants, animals and natural features such as mountains, rivers and well springs.

The story about Serelau spring water (Serelau Ira-ina I Rata)

Photo: Santos Viegas (second from left) with his family, sharing the story of the Serelau spring, in the Lautem sub-district.

This story describes the origins of a spring named Tei Ratu Pana Ratu in aldeia Serelau in the Lautem sub-district. This story is told by Santos Viegas, the traditional owner of the spring. The story he tells is that a long time ago there were many people in Serelau who couldn’t access clean water and each day had to travel long distances to find water. The father and mother of the house were away in the fields, farming, leaving their girl was in the house. Their dog went off, and came back to the house wet. The girl noticed this and went to find how the dog had become wet. She found that the dog had found a new spring and had played in it. When she found the spring the spirit owner spoke to her, saying: ‘if you want this place to be safe from difficulties, and if you want your people to have water for drinking, for watering animals and for rice fields, then you must become my wife’. The girl returned to her parents to discuss this. The parents, desparate for a water source, accepted the rules of the spring and sacrificed their daughter as an offering to the spring. A traditional line dance accompanied by instrumental music was performed, until this girl was swept sway by the power of the magic spring. This dance is called Bidu, with hand drum accompaniment, Tebedai, is now performed in Serelau.

Video: Santos Viegas sharing the story of the Serelau spring, in the Lautem sub-district. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mYTuv8Uqoo4

The story about Puinorili and Maunorili (Rata Lolo Puinorili ho Maunorili / Aiknanoik Puinorili no Maunorili)

Photo: Eliás Dias Quintos telling the story of Puinorili and Maunorili in aldeia Loho Matu, Lautem sub-district.

The story of Puinorili and Maunorili is an origin story, describing the origin of a 30 metre high cave cliff face with a narrow overhang in the Com (Konu) district, the top of which is called Koimili Kayamili. This fable is about the life of two siblings, Maunorili, the brother, and Puinorili, the sister. They both lived on a big hill where the only way up or down was to climb up with a rope. One day Maunorili went to the jungle to go hunting, leaving Puinorili alone. A prince from Lety, ratu Moco, had been watching the hill from afar. One day he sailed on a boat and came ashore near the hill. He listened to the song Maunorili sung each time he returned to the foot of the hill to ask his sister to lower the rope. One day, when Maunorili left down the rope to go hunting with his dogs and hunting equipment (his spear, machete, knife and bag), the prince called to Puinorili to lower the rope. Not knowing it wasn’t her brother, she let down the rope thinking to herself that her brother must have already caught an animal hunting and returned quickly. When Maunorili returned and asked his sister to lower the rope the prince forbade her. Maunorili waited for hours, calling to his sister to lower the rope as mosquitos from the forest were coming out, but the prince forbade her and sat on the rope to prevent her. Maunorili began to get bitten by mosquitos from the forest; they bit and sucked his blood from head to toe. Maunorili began to cry and spoke sadly. He spoke in Fataluku, words which mean: ‘Puinorili e.e.e. o Puinorili… mosquitos – mosquitos from the forest are starting to bite and suck my blood o Puinorili’.

The sister replied: ‘Maunorili e.e.e.e.e Maunorili I don’t know this prince’.

After the bother heard he wanted to reply but before he replied he was bitten on the sole of his foot and his foot began to turn to stone. He sung out to his sister: ‘Punorili e.e.e.e.e Puinorili the sole of my left foot is turning to stone. Puinorili .eee. Puinorili ..e.e.e… Puinorili – the toes on my left food are turning to stone, Puinorili.’

Hearing the cries of her brother Puinorili begged the prince to help to lower the rope so that he could come up the hill. She cried out to her brother: ‘Maunorili e.e.e.e.e.. Maunorili I don’t know this prince, who has wrapped up the rope’.

Maunorili was suffering now; he’d been bitten from the head to the toe, and his dogs had already turned to stone. ‘Punorili ..e.e.e… Puinorili part of me is already petrified, on my left side and now on my right I have turned to stone. Punorili .e.e.e.’

Hearing her brother singing sadly, she begged again the prince to lower the rope, but he still refused and stayed sitting on the rope. Maunorili turned quiet as his body slowly turned to stone, along with his hunting equipment – his spear, machete, knife, dogs and his bag. His body and his hunting equipment are the names of the lower part of the rock, Maunorili.

The prince eventually let the rope down and Puinorili saw her brother but it was too late, and he had turned to stone. The prince and Puinorili lived together on top of the hill, which is named Koimili Kayamili.

Video: Eliás Dias Quintos telling the story of Puinorili and Maunorili in aldeia Iraono, Lautem sub-district.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BrpXh6HyDrA

Ethnographic researchers Pannell and O’Connor documented a slightly different account of the story in a 2007 journal article in Asian Perspectives, in which they document local storytellers recounting that ‘a large flood caused by incessant rainfall and rising sea levels killed everyone except for a Fataluku woman (poi) and man (mau) left on top of the limestone terraces at Poinorili. The woman lived high up on the cliff face, while the man resided at the base. In order to have sex, the woman lowered a rope down from her cliff-top residence and the man climbed up, leaving his seven hunting dogs at the bottom. In due course, the man and the woman had seven daughters and seven sons’ (2007, p. 197).

Orphan’s story (Iharala Mocoru)

Vincente da Goma in aldeia Loho Matu, Lautem sub-district tells a rata lolo about young orphan children, a brother named Puiletemaa and sister, Levepuimaa. Their life was one of suffering and trouble, they survived eating papaya leaf when they were hungry. Each day they cooked papaya leaf and pieces of bean (fofon). When her young brother wanted to eat only fofon his sister forbade him. One day when his sister went out the brother ate fofon. When the sister found out she hit her brother badly. The young boy ran away to find his parent’s ghost, which after a long journey, he found.

Video: Vincente da Goma telling the story of Ilarala Mocoru. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9C_gq4KgnMI

The story of the man with two wives, Acanaltou and Teterentau (Acanaltou ho Teterentau)

The story of Acanaltou and Teterentau was documented in two villages, in aldeia Paijahara, in Lautem sub-district and aldeia Malahara, Lospalos sub-district. The story is about two women, married to the same man. The first wife wasn’t able to have children because she was infertile. The second wife was able to become pregnant, and gave birth to twins. The first wife was jealous. When the young wife was still in bed tired from giving birth the older wife took the twin babies away and swapped them with twin kid goats, laying them beside the young wife. She took the twin babies away into the jungle. This made for great sorrow with the family in the story.

The story in aldeia Paijahara, the women promise to her husband that she will give him a boy with the star in his head and the moon in his chest.

Photo: Miguel da Dosta and his wife tell the story of Acanaltou and Teterentau in aldeia Paijahara, Lautem sub-district.
Video: Miguel da Dosta tells the story of Acanaltou and Teterentau in aldeia Paijahara, Lautem sub-district.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wxRqR1nY6ow

Photo: Regina da Cunha (second from left) tells the story of Acanaltou and Teterentau in aldeia Malahara, Lospalos sub-district.

Story about a father who ate his daughter’s heart (Moco Tupur I Ari Una)

A rata lolo is about a man who ate his daughters heart (Moco Tupur I Ari Una) was told by Raul da Costa in aldeia Punu, in the Lautem sub-district. The story is of a man, who left his pregnant wife in order to travel to a far away place. Before he began his journey he told his wife: ‘Wherever you give birth, if it is a girl, kill her and store her heart for me to eat, but if it is a boy keep him alive.’ On his way home, a lot of people received him. He played a babodook, and shouted, ‘Bring me my daughters heart, I’m going to eat it.’

Photo: Raul da Costa (third from left) tells the story of Moco Pupur I Ari Una, in aldeia Punu, Lautem sub-district.
The prince from Latu Loho (Aiknanoik)

Luis Marques Cabral from aldeia Kodu, in Lautem sub-district tells the story of the prince from Latu Loho who married many wives and brought them back to his village. The story goes that a boy from the Latu Loho tribe was missing, and his parents were worried that he had died. The missing boy was eventually found in a village now known as Viqueque. In this village he had married a girl and given the bride price. He then went to Bacau and married another girl and gave a bride price, and continued his journey to Laga, Laivai and then finally he returned to his home to show his parents he had many wives in foreign lands. His parents were excited and gathered his village to celebrate with a Bidu and Jededai ritual.

Photo: Luis Marques Cabral (at left) tells the rata lolo of the prince from Latu Loho from Kodu, in Lautem sub-district.
Video: Luis Marques Cabral tells the rata lolo of the prince from Latu Loho from Kodu, in Lautem sub-district. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RgMY6iGp4-0&t=2s

The story of a woman who gave birth to a handkerchief (Tupur Un I Tu Lesu Me Vale)

Gracinda dos Anjos da Assuncāo in aldeia Pitileti, Tutuala sub-district tells a story Tupur Un I Tu Lesu Me Valeabout, woman that was pregnant and gave birth to a handkerchief. The handkerchief was put into a traditional flat basket called ‘Poko’ made of palm leaf. As the handkerchief grew up month by month the mother made a new basket to fit. Each day when the parents were in the field the handkerchief came out of the basket and transformed into a beautiful young woman and cooked rice, vegetables and yam for her parents, and cleaned the house for them. Each day the parents returned home to find their house clean and food ready for them on the table, but they didn’t know who was looking after them. One day her mother left for the field but her father stayed behind, hiding under his sleeping mat. The girl climbed down from the basket and began cooking, to her father’s surprise. Once she was finished cooking she wanted to go back to the box, but the parents wanted them to show herself and stay with them as a human, and she accepted. They found her a suitor and she was married and had children of her own.

Photo: Gracinda dos Anjos da Assuncāo (at left) tells the rata lolo Tupur Un I Tu Lesu Me Valeabout in aldeia Pitileti, Tutuala sub-district.

The story about a baby of the Zenlai ratu (Rata tu Zenlai i Moco Hini)

Rosinda Martins tells the fable about a baby that died the day he was born. The baby was buried with a young coconut, so that according to tradition, he can drink when he feels thirsty. As he was so young, he could not drink so be cried in Makua or Lovaji Ward (languages that no long exist) so that other ghosts would help him. His ancestor ghost gave him milk, to stop him crying.

Photo: Rosinda Martins (at left) tells the rata lolo Rata tu Zenlai i Moco Hini in aldeia Pitileti, Tutuala sub-district.
Video: Rosinda Martins tells the rata lolo Rata tu Zenlai i Moco Hini in aldeia Pitileti, Tutuala sub-district.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=scCK-pi5Icw

Element: Ritual

Rituals are central to our tradition, performed at important social events and to mark sacred sites.

Sacred house ritual, le masule, is performed to inaugurate newly built traditional houses. (more info on this element)

Wedding ceremony rituals, lipal fa’i, last for several days and nights and involve a number of vaihoho and rituals (more info on this element)

Sacred house inauguration (le masule)
Le masule is a ritual to ‘cleanse’ a newly built sacred house, called lee ia val, before it can be lived in or used as a sacred house.

Photo: A lee ia valu, in aledia Mauloho, Lospalos sub-district.

Lee ia valu are central to the identity of the Fataluku people, and the building of these houses has increased in recent years following Timor’s independence (le masule ceremonies were discouraged under the Indonesian government) with funding made available from the Timorese government. Finding materials to build houses was difficult, as those living in villages were not able to harvest timber from forests, and few had the financial ability to afford all aspects of the expensive ceremony. Since independence the building of lee ia val has increased, and with it the le masule ceremony. Aspects of the ceremony include vaihoho, orontafa, animal sacrifice, and other music and dance performances. The wood used is carved with animals and images symbolic of a tribes’ cultural identity.

A le masule ceremony usually takes between three to four days and nights but can last for as long as seven depending on the financial capacity of a lee ia valu house owner. A le masule ceremony begins by walking in procession to the lee ia valu. The guests arrive from surrounding areas. The le masule ceremony documented here is from aldeia Mauloho, suku Rasa, sub-district Lospalos. Women from surrounding villages and from the family of the lee ia valu wore matching red and black tais, with a blue floral over-blouse, play hand drums and gongs in the procession, to a simple and regular rhythm. Some women wear raisoko baskets on their backs, with the rope worn over their heads to bear the weight.

A first step of the ceremony is a log dragging ritual. Men old and young line up on either side of a length of rope attached to four timber logs. They drag the logs to the lee ia valu while singing vaihoho. The ceremony begins with ceremonious drinking of palm wine, and eating pieces of sacrificed meat. The meat and wine is then offered to the women. The kepala adat then announces the beginning of the ceremony, introducing a lively call and response vaihoho. The words ask permission of the wood to become part of a lee ia valu, literally asking the log to be light enough to be moved, singing: ‘don’t be heavy’. (Prior to having cut timber from a forest, permission is requested by the harvesters and an animal – usually a chicken – is sacrificed.)

Older men stand at the front of the line, dressed in elegant tais and white shirts. Young men at the back are bare chested, with black knee length material around their waists. They don’t wear long tais as they do most of the heavy work, so they need the freedom of full movement. The performers drag the log towards the house while singing vaihoho.

Video: Log dragging ritual as part of a le masule ceremony in aledia Mauloho, Lospalos sub-district. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nt0J6oI6pcU

Once at the house, women in their matching tais and blouses form a circle around the log playing in rhythm. Women then move to form a circle around the house. The kepala adat plays the keko to announce the ceremony beginning. The guests then begin to arrive. Guests are welcomed to the house by women performers.
Video: Guests welcomed in aledia Mauloho, Lospalos sub-district. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bnFIpsj_phk&t=2s

Video: Women’s welcome performance to inaugrate a lee ia val. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RKl3uWtxXAQ

Photo: Gifts brought to a le masule ceremony.

Attendees at a le masule ceremony have their own social hierarchies or status: immediate family (tupur moko), extended family and in-laws (arahopata), and friends or work colleagues (lan). Offerings are brought in accordance with their status. Tupur moko have to bring a buffalo, or a horse or money (in that order of preference). If they are bringing money, it must be the equivalent of the price of a buffalo or horse. Arahopata guests are relations that must be respected, one respondent explained that these relationships are feared like gods, and must be obeyed. Arahopata must bring gifts of pigs and tais cloth. There is a specific ritual for exchanging these gifts. The tuan rumah, or house owner, facilitates this process.

Photo: Men with offerings at a le masule ceremony.

Tents are erected for invitees, set out in arrangements according to a guest’s status (for example tupur moko have their own area). Once arrangements for sleeping are settled, guests are given instructions or a ceremony agenda for the event, which is put together by the tuan rumah.
The official inauguration is marked with a ritual of drawing down the ladder to the lee ia valu, which is performed by an arahopata relative (such as an uncle of the tuan rumah or respected elder blood family relation). Once the ladder is drawn to the ground, and tais is laid in front of the lee ia valu, and a bamboo flag planted at the front of the lee ia valu only then can it then be formally occupied.

Video: The ritual performed by an arahopata guest who must draw down the ladder to a lee ia valu and place tais in the front entrance. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CUhqYiquZGQ

The immediate family (tupur moko) then climb into the house using the ladder, and a ritual takes place inside. The man and woman of the house have a tais placed over their shoulders, men their right, women their left shoulders. This tais is symbolic, protecting them from danger and blessing them with fertility. They then drink palm wine together, one glass circulating the participants – drinking from the same glass in this way strengthens relations.
Video: An arahopata guest climbs inside the lee ia val to place tais over the arms of the tupur moko house owners inside, in a ritual to protect the tupur moko house residents from danger and bless them with fertility. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MazptsIDbe0

After the inauguration rituals the celebrations begin. A young coconut is opened, and the liquid is used to bless the people and place. A skull of an animal, a dog or a pig, is prepared, alongside the coconut and other offerings. Prayers are said, and offerings are laid out at night. Women perform throughout the night, playing music with the same simple rhythm. A buffalo or pig is sacrificed to eat. There are rules over who is allowed to eat animals that are brought as offerings – tupur moko guests are not allowed to eat the animals they bring as offerings, but others may (so long as they are not of tupur moko status).

Photo: Orontafa performed at le masule.

The orontafa is performed, with passionate call and response vaihoho singing. At points in the singing of the Fataluku the rise and fall of the pounding sticks is in unison, and other times sticks fall out of time with one another. Tebe-tebe dancing and word games, such as nava-navarana taa (a game involving skill and memory to rephrase words into new meanings) are also played.

Traditional weddings (lipal fa’i)
Lipal Fa’i (traditional weddings) involve a series of rituals and elements. First there is what is called valahana, also called barlake, essentially the negotiation of a contract between two families to form a union in marriage. It is a ‘ritual and equal exchange that is the basis of regulating relationships’ according to Sara Niner (2012), sometimes described as bride price negotiation.

Obtaining a bride is expensive; the groom’s family must provide large quantities of livestock (buffalo, cows or pigs), textiles, and, nowadays, cash. The bride’s family in turn give traditional clothes made from tais to the groom’s family. In this valahana phase, ‘there can be a lot of waiting around for something to happen, and while they wait people, particularly women, may sing vaihoho’ according to Philip Yampolsky (2012). While they wait, women gin cotton and spin it into thread.

Photo: Orontafa performed in aldeia Ililapa, Lore II.

Once a bride price is settled, the wedding goes forth. Food is prepared. The bride’s family, often mostly women sometimes helped by men, prepare rice by husking it. This process has its own ritual, called orontafa. Orontafa involves a group of around people, men and women, sitting or or standing on either side of an oron, a large log ‘mortar’, filled with unhulled rice. They hit the oron with bamboo sticks in a steady rhythm, working to remove the husk of the rice. While they pound the rice they sing the orontafa song that can last a whole night. In addition to weddings, the orontafa is performed in preparation for other cultural ceremonies, such as the building or inaugurating a lee ia val (or uma-lulik in Tetum), a traditional house.

Video: Orontafa performed in Ililapa.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kste81xg8Ho

For any wedding the bride’s family must also provide maca-maca, packets of sticky rice cake wrapped in plaited leaves (ketupat in Indonesian). The activity of making maca-maca is called ore fa’i, and is accompanied by singing of vaihoho. Ore fa’i function as invitations to the wedding, those who receive the invitation are obliged to come and to bring offerings for the bride or groom.
Video: Ore fa’i woven while the negotiations take place. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S__kFRDJUbA

Video: Ore fa’i weaving in aledia Sepelata, Bauro. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fY5XwFi_E9g

Photo: Lipal vaihoho nu performed in aldeia Paiira, Cacavei.

The vaihoho verses sung in orontafa and ore fa’i mostly concern love and marriage. In last part of a wedding, the bride is escorted to her husband’s house. People will sing vaihoho to describe and echo her feelings of sadness, leaving her childhood home to join that of her husband’s.

Once the negotiations over the bride price have taken place, the final stage of lipal fa’i is for both families to sing together under a piece of tais. Lipal vaihoho nu is the vaihoho that is sung in this aspect of the ritual.

Video: Lipal vaihoho nu performed in aldeia Paiira, Cacavei. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G4glpMwBeEg

Lipal fa’i was documented in the sub-village of Sepelata (Nanafoe) in Bauro, and in the sub-villages of Cai and Titilari in Lore I, Lospalos. Respondents in Sepelata, Lospalos reported vaihoho sung at lipal fa’i is sung by people living in geographically flat grasslands areas. These rituals and associated vaihoho are learnt when people gather together to practice them.

Research Methods

Many Hands International’s research team first sought permission from District and Sub-District Administrators in Lautem, Lospalos, and Tutuala, followed by Sefi de Suku and Sefi de Aldeia (village leaders) to locate and recruit cultural knowledge holders. Participants provided written consent to record information and determined access levels (public, specific audiences, or secret).

Research Participants

Researchers aimed to gather information from all suku (sub-villages) and aldeia (villages) in Lautem where Fataluku is the dominant culture. They collected data from 17 suku and 23 aldeia, engaging 64 male and 84 female participants identified as cultural knowledge holders.

Research Questions

Participants were asked about endangered cultural heritage, focusing on UNESCO criteria for intangible cultural heritage, such as:

●      Name, origin, and related community

●      Geographic location and associated elements

●      Involvement and transmission methods

●      Threats to viability and safeguarding measures

Interviews, conducted in Fataluku, were later translated into Tetun and English, and information was documented in writing, photos, and videos.

Acknowledgements

Research Team

The research team included six native Fataluku speakers from Lautem. Led by Justino Valentim, a national hero and cultural leader, Valentim had researched and advocated for Fataluku culture since 1999. He founded the Council for Fataluku Culture and helped develop Fataluku as a written language with UNESCO and the University of Melbourne.

Rico Caetano, Ildefonso da Silva, and Maria Madalena dos Santos gained skills in photography, video editing, and communication. Thomas Lopes translated Fataluku into Tetun and English, and Nelinha Pereira provided administrative support.

Training and supervision was provided by Holly Schauble and Dr. Kim Dunphy. Training included qualitative research, identifying intangible cultural heritage, and project management. Project management support came from Lucia Pichler and Amy Stevenson. Tessa Dunphy Toumbourou provided research assistance, and filmmaker Bety do Reis trained the team in film-making and editing.

Project Partners

The project, initiated by Many Hands International, was in partnership with the State Secretariat of Tourism, Art and Culture, the Lautem Municipality, and the Council for Fataluku Culture. UNESCO Jakarta contributed technical advice.

Contributors and Supporters

The project was made possible through the generosity of the Fataluku communities. Support for data collection came from the US Ambassador’s Fund for Cultural Preservation (US Embassy, Dili). Deakin University and the University of Melbourne supported the analysis and dissemination phases.

Other Collections

  • In 2017, our community worked with Many Hands International to launch the Portrait Avo outreach project. The project sought to enhance intergenerational understanding within the region.

  • Our community with Many Hands International (MHI) produced over 20 children’s books in Timor-Leste’s mother tongue languages